The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic

This page is about my book, The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic, which was published by Brill in 2012 in the series Brill's Studies in Indo-European Languages and Linguistics. It contains corrections (other than typos) and updates to the book.If you notice any mistakes or have suggestions, please email me (at naz21[apud]cam[dot]ac[dot]uk).

Ranko Matasović (2014). Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie 61, 302-7

Corrections and updates

p.89ff and 201ff: on loss of laryngeals before yod see now Verhasselt, Gertjan (2014). Lex Pinault: Eine indogermanische Lautregel? Historische Sprachforschung 127, 2-42. He concludes that 'Pinault's law' of loss of laryngeals in this environment applied in individual languages and somewhat different environments rather than being a PIE rule. His evidence from Celtic is restricted to Old Irish, and agrees with my conclusions that laryngeals were lost in both *CRHy- and *-CHy- contexts in Celtic.

p.91 and 100: I give the root of Old Irish cailech as *kleh1- and as *kleh2 respectively. The form with *h1 is (probably) correct.

p.132-50: to add to the discussion of Dybo’s rule: Matasović, Ranko (2012). Dybo’s Law in Proto-celtic [sic]. Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie 59, 129-41. Matasović considers that Dybo’s rule of shortening of pretonic long vowels applies only to Celtic (shortening in Latin and Germanic must have other explanations). He argues that it reflects loss of laryngeals after high vowels and syllabic resonants, except before nasals.

p.203-4: on the root found in Middle Welsh deil 'leaves, foliage' etc., see also: Driessen, C. Michiel (2005). On the etymology of Lat. fulvus. In Gerhard Meiser & Olav Hackstein (eds.), Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17.-23. September 2000, Halle an der Saale, 39-64. Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

p.215-17: for possible examples of the voicing effect of *h3 in Latin, see Pinault, George-Jean (2001). Le type latin uorago: un reflet d’un suffixe indo-européen. Glotta 77, 85-109.

p.244 fn.31: with regard to the non-occurrence of the Saussure effect in Balto-Slavic see also Yamazaki, Yoko (2009). The Saussure effect in Lithuanian. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37, 430-61. She argues that these cases are due to analogical restoration of the laryngeal.

p.252-3: Old Irish lie 'stone'. I argue against a connection between OIr. lie and Gk. λαας ‘stone’. I have now found out that Pedersen (1909-1913: 2.100) had already suggested a connection with Latin lapis ‘stone’, Greek λέπας ‘bare rock, scaur’, which works better. I spoke about this at the First European Celtic Symposium, which was held in Trier on the 5th-9th August 2013. One day this might be an article. In the meantime, you can find my handout from the talk here.

p.293: for 'Historische Forschungen' read 'Historische Sprachforschung'.

p.293: 'Interesting i-stems in Irish', by Michael Weiss, has now come out in Adam I. Cooper, Jeremy Rau & Michael Weiss (eds.), Multi Nominis Grammaticus. A Festschrift for Alan J. Nussbaum, 340-56. Ann Arbor & New York: Beech Stave Press.

p.301: in the index there should be separate entries for Old Irish lie ‘flood, spate’ (p.103) and lie ‘stone’ (p.252-3).

last updated November 2016